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| quote: | i know they agreed not to sign off on it and as i understand it, it was within 24 hrs. of Ashcroft becoming ill.
[QUOTE]i know they agreed not to sign off on it and as i understand it, it was within 24 hrs. of Ashcroft becoming ill.
Comey then states that 48hrs after the hospital incident he was to give the President his daily briefing and thats when he communicated his concerns to Bush in a private meeting. Comey lays it on the line to Bush about his concerns with the program in a "full exchange". he and Bush then go to Mueller and Bush tells them both to do what "they believe is right" and here it is...wait for it..."AT THE PRESIDENTS DIRECTION, TO DO WHAT WE BELIEVE [JUSTICE DEPT.] WAS NECESSARY TO PUT THIS MATTER ON A FOOTING TO WHERE WE COULD CERTIFY TO IT'S LEGALITY. AND SO WE THEN SET OUT TO DO THAT. AND WE DID THAT." |
I don't contend this. However, what's worth noting is that the details that Comey and Mueller were working out for a legal justification didn't happen right there on the spot now, did it? Instead, it took a couple of weeks for them to iron out their legal justification (which I would contend is still illegal, but I'll save that for later). In the meantime, there was no indication that the DOJ signed off on anything after the President's meeting until the legal justification was ironed out between Comey/Ashcroft and Mueller.
So again, the President still went ahead and signed off without DOJ signatures, thereby very likely continuing further with the illegal act of wiretapping without FISA approval. The quote you gave does not detail in any manner nor does it justify the action of Bush overriding and continuing without DOJ signature (until the DOJ and FBI worked out the justification later). Try again.
| quote: | | thats easy. by law, by FISA statute, the President must seek re-authorization every 45 days. he cannot sidestep that. he has, pursuant to Executive order, the right to go a few days without and thats exactly what happened in March 2004 but he can't just waive it away. Comey was satisfied as to whatever aspect of the program he found was now fixed. the program went on and was re-authorized repeatedly up until Jan 17, 2007 when Gonzalez said he will not seek further re-authorizations. |
What Executive Order? Please give a citation, if you have it.
| quote: | | remember this was all before Gonzalez made the program public in Dec 2005, before the OPR investigation. |
Gonzales didn't make the program public - the NYTimes did. Gonzales only confirmed the existence. I think that's what you meant, but I just want to clarify just in case.
| quote: | | that does not say it's illegal. it says it needs to be re-freshed and may no loger be as strong legaly as it was in 2001. i agree. Congress agrees. the President agrees. you should agree. |
You're parsing words here. The report states that the legal justification that Bush is using for his argument (i.e. Article II) with his broad presidential powers do not hold legal water. Saying it's not "as strong legally as it was in 2001" is misleading at best. It wasn't UNTIL 2001 when Bush started utilizing that justification in the first place. Therefore the onus of proof lies upon Bush and Bush ONLY, not on any other prior legal justifications as you imply, to come up with a logical justification in the first place. The report outlines that Bush does not have this justification - therefore if the justification is erroneous the only logical conclusion is the action itself is illegal.
What other logical conclusion can be drawn from this?
| quote: | | remember what i said about lefties pissing up a tree? we'll see in Apeallate court. |
Which as I said the arguments being used in appeal by Bush are pathetic at best - relying solely on the "State Secrets" argument and completely avoiding the argument on whether or not the program is legal or constitutional.
And BTW, that's not the only legal battle on this issue for Bush. Judge Walker in the Northern District of California ruled against the DOJ's case to dismiss the trial on these wiretaps last July:
http://blog.wired.com/27BStroke6/NSA_Motion_Denied.pdf
And Judge Garr King in Oregon last September:
http://www.oregonlive.com/news/oregonian/index.ssf?/base/news/1157685909292000.xml&coll=7
http://howappealing.law.com/AHIFvsBush.pdf
That last court case is very notable because the plaintiffs actually obtained the wiretaps by the NSA, and were able to prove that they were being wiretapped. The DOJ, once they realized that the plaintiffs had those papers demanded they give them up to the FBI for safekeeping, to which the judge steadfastly refused (considering the FBI are within the defendent party itself).
| quote: | | Hamdan stated the 2001 AUMF did not give Bush authority to establish military commissions in violation of the UCMJ. (something that i've been held accountable to a few times) not some blanket "beyond existing statutes" like you say. gimme a break dude |
My mistake (again). Confusing Hamdi with Hamdan. So with Hamdi, here's an example of what else it states, in the case with Judge Walker mentioned above:
| quote: | | "Even the state secrets privilege has its limit. While the court recognizes and respects the executive's constitutional duty to protect the nation from threats, the court also takes seriously its constitutional duty to adjudicate the disputes that come before it. See Hamdi v. Rumsfeld, 542 US 507, 536 (2004) (plurality opinion) ("Whatever power the United States Constitution envisions for the Executive in its exchanges with other nations or with enemy organizations in times of conflict, it most assuredly envisions a role for all three branches when individual liberties are at stake"). |
Let's make sure we have that part down from Hamdi:
| quote: | | "Whatever power the United States Constitution envisions for the Executive in its exchanges with other nations or with enemy organizations in times of conflict, it most assuredly envisions a role for all three branches when individual liberties are at stake." |
That pretty much blows Yoo's theory of the Unitary Executive out of the water. In fact, take a look at Scalia's dissent in Hamdi:
| quote: | Many safeguards in the Constitution reflect these concerns. Congress's authority "[t]o raise and support Armies" was hedged with the proviso that "no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years." U. S. Const., Art. 1, §8, cl. 12. Except for the actual command of military forces, all authorization for their maintenance and all explicit authorization for their use is placed in the control of Congress under Article I, rather than the President under Article II.
As Hamilton explained, the President's military authority would be "much inferior" to that of the British King:
"It would amount to nothing more than the supreme command and direction of the military and naval forces, as first general and admiral of the confederacy: while that of the British king extends to the declaring of war, and to the raising and regulating of fleets and armies; all which, by the constitution under consideration, would appertain to the legislature." The Federalist No. 69, p. 357.
A view of the Constitution that gives the Executive authority to use military force rather than the force of law against citizens on American soil flies in the face of the mistrust that engendered these provisions.
http://caselaw.lp.findlaw.com/scripts/getcase.pl?court=us&vol=000&invol=03-6696 |
Huh, who woulda thunk it?
| quote: | | great article. almost posted here once...ON A COMPLETELY DIFFERENT SUBJECT!!!!!!!!!!!! |
Funny how you seemingly overlooked the second paragraph:
| quote: | | Hamdan is a disaster because it sounds the death knell for the National Security Agency’s Terrorist Surveillance Program (TSP), the early-warning system developed by the Bush administration to ward off a reprise of 9/11 by penetrating the enemy’s wartime communications |
As well as the rest of the entire article to which McCarthy is stating that in accordance to the ruling in Hamdan, it sounds the "death knell" for the illegal wiretapping program.
| quote: | | thats great. i know you, Occ, and Renegade are the liberal big shots here and all but not once (with the exception of you i believe) mention the 2001 AUMF or Art.II of the Constitution. it's just a bunch of alarmist democratic talking points and typical PDD incoherent rabble. |
Ahh yes, what a terrific excuse for your all-too predictable withdrawal on those debates. Good one.
| quote: | OMG dude the Democratic majority had nothing to do with what you are trying to assert with that article. attorney firings ring a bell?
it was a different investigation that had to do with Comey coming in to testify to the Senate as to the legality of the NSA program. which he did come in and do! Gonzalez was not going to let him talk about certain specifics of classified shit because he wasn't cleared for that and didn't need to be. he was already gone from the DOJ and a civilian. |
I'm sorry but the GOP having the majority had everything to do with the fact that they couldn't get testimony from Comey on this matter. Again from the WaPost article quoted:
| quote: | The Justice Department's Office of Professional Responsibility has opened an internal investigation into the department's role in approving the Bush administration's warrantless domestic eavesdropping program, officials said yesterday.
In addition, Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales signaled in an interview with The Washington Post yesterday that the administration will sharply limit the testimony of former attorney general John D. Ashcroft and former deputy attorney general James B. Comey, both of whom have been asked to appear before the Senate Judiciary Committee regarding the program.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/02/15/AR2006021502446.html
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Both that article and the San Diego Union Tribune articles make it patently clear that Gonzales and this Administration were trying to limit the testimony of these two, to which the GOP Congress certainly didn't mind at all. It was only when the Democratic majority came in with subpoena power did Comey testify. This is not a point of contention. I'm not sure how you could really argue otherwise.
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Whence September dusk grows crisper still,
with leaves all crimson conquered,
I yearn to shout,
and dance about,
and stick pickles in my honker...
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